Proponents of an independent Scotland draw heavily on the following arguments:<\/p>\n
Self-determination<\/u><\/strong> Historically, Scotland was an independent country until the 1707 Acts of Union united Scotland with England and Wales in the Kingdom of Great Britain.<\/p>\n Political identity<\/u><\/strong> In terms of political identity, Scotland has traditionally sat further left than England on the political spectrum.\u00a0 Even though a large number of powers are now held by the Scottish Parliament, supporters of Scottish Independence, point to the benefit of being free from Conservative Governments in Westminster.<\/p>\n Nuclear Weapons<\/u><\/strong>. EU Membership<\/u><\/strong>. Opponents of an independent Scotland argue that the powers of the Scottish Parliament have now increased considerably since it was first established in 1998.\u00a0 Emphasising the benefits of the Union and the uncertainty around independence, the arguments typically voiced by those opposed to Independence include:<\/p>\n Diminished international influence, for both UK and an independent Scotland<\/u><\/strong>. It is suggested that the departure of Scotland from the UK would create a domino effect that would likely reduce the influence of both the UK, and of Scotland, on the world stage. Where the UK is currently a member of the G7 and the G20, and has a permanent place on the United Nations Security Council, it is argued that an independent Scotland would lose all such influence.<\/p>\n Reduced Revenues from UK Funds<\/u><\/strong> Opponents of Scottish independence, use this statistic to argue that an independent Scotland would be financially worse off, and that England would conversely be better off.<\/p>\n Economic Uncertainty<\/u><\/strong> It is argued that, withdrawing from the United Kingdom might lead to a situation in which an Independent Scotland would not have the current unfettered access to its major market, and that this would result in economic uncertainty, and potential economic decline.<\/p>\n Opponents of Scottish Independence have also argued that concern about which currency an independent Scotland may use, and how that would operate, would further deter inward investment into Scotland.<\/p>\n Issues with regaining EU Membership<\/u><\/strong> The former leader of Scottish Conservatives, Ruth Davidson, has famously described the \u2018independence because of Brexit\u2019 argument as the political equivalent of \u201camputating your foot because you\u2019ve stubbed your toe\u201d.<\/p>\n Others have also pointed to the irony of supporters for Scottish independence being motivated by their desire not to defer power to Westminster, but at the same time, being seemingly enthusiastic for a newly independent Scotland to then defer its powers to Brussels.<\/p>\n Scotland\u2019s Internal Security<\/u><\/strong> It is argued that an independent Scotland would lose access to the Five Eyes international security network towhich the UK belongs, and the advanced cybersecurity capabilities provided by GCHQ and the Centre for the Protection of National Infrastructure.<\/p>\n In the event that Scottish voters were given the opportunity to vote again on independence, and chose to support separation, a host of practical problems would result in lengthy negotiations between the rest of the UK and the newly independent Scotland.<\/p>\n These questions would likely focus on the following areas in particular:<\/p>\n Currency<\/u><\/strong> The choice of currency is amongst a number of issues that would need to be resolved for an independent Scotland.<\/p>\n The National Debt<\/u><\/strong> Scotland\u2019s National Security<\/u><\/strong> Going in the other direction, there would likely be tense discussions around the speed of the relocation of the UK\u2019s nuclear deterrent away from Scotland.\u00a0This may prove problematic, given the likely cost, time, and difficulties involved in establishing an alternative base for the UK\u2019s nuclear arsenal.<\/p>\n Head of State<\/u><\/strong> They argue that it is counterintuitive to retain the monarchy, given the desire to break Scotland away from what is sometimes characterised as \u2018centuries of subjugation\u2019.<\/p>\n The Border<\/u><\/strong> Access to Public Services<\/u><\/strong> Further separatist waves<\/u><\/strong> At the same time, it has also been suggested that separatist movements in the Orkneys and Shetland,\u00a0may gain further impetus should an independent Scotland come into being.<\/p>\n These groups have called on the Islands to be able to tap into their own natural resources, moving to an independent setup such as that of the Faroe Islands. In July 2023, it was reported that Orkney council were looking into proposals to become a self-governing territory of Norway.<\/p>\n It is thought that having gained its own independence, an independent Scotland may find it difficult to deny the same rights to those in the Orkneys and the Shetland Islands should they wish for it.<\/p>\n As a result of sustained public pressure, and an increase in the representation of the Scottish National Party at Westminster, a referendum on the devolution of powers to a new Scottish Parliament was first held in 1979.<\/p>\n In that year\u2019s referendum, 51% of Scottish voters supported devolution, but on a turnout of 64%, thereby representing just 32% of the total electorate. The then Labour government had stipulated\u00a0as a condition of the referendum, that devolution needed to be supported by 40% of the electorate as a whole in order to go ahead.<\/p>\n A second referendum on Scottish devolution was held in 1997 and without any turnout stipulation.\u00a0 With 74.2% of Scots supporting devolution, the Scottish Parliament was established under the Scotland Act 1998. Composed of 129 elected representatives and located opposite Holyrood Palace in Edinburgh, the Scottish Parliament gained the power to legislate across a range of policy areas.<\/p>\n In a 2007, the Scottish National Party (SNP) first gained power in the Scottish Parliament.\u00a0 \u00a0The party\u2019s new First Minister, Alex Salmond, brought forward a white paper articulating the prospects for Scotland\u2019s constitutional future.\u00a0 \u00a0Salmond wrote that, \u201cNo change was no longer an option\u201d.<\/p>\n In the ensuing 2011 elections for the Scottish Parliament , the SNP won an outright majority of seats and gained 44.7% of the vote. In the wake of the party\u2019s continuing political impetus, the SNP launched an official drive for independence.<\/p>\n In October 2012, the Scottish and UK governments signed an Agreement authorising a Scottish Independence Referendum. For the first time in Scottish history, 16 and 17-year-olds were also granted the right to vote.<\/p>\n On Thursday 18 September 2014, an independence referendum was held to decide whether Scotland would be granted independence from the United Kingdom. Attracting the highest voter turnout in Scotland since 1910, 55.3% of Scottish Voters chose to oppose Scottish independence.<\/p>\n Despite their loss in that first independence referendum (IndyRef1), the SNP have remained electorally dominant in Scotland.\u00a0 The debate around Scottish Independence was then injected with a new dynamic following the 2016 decision by voters in the United Kingdom as a whole (but not in Scotland) to vote for Britain to leave the European Union.<\/p>\n
\nThe loudest arguments made around Scottish independence focus on the issue of self-determination.\u00a0 In essence, proponents of independence argue that Scotland is a distinct nation separate from the rest of the United Kingdom, and accordingly it should control its full political authority as an independent sovereign nation-state.<\/p>\n
\nFollowing the growing dominance of the SNP and its sustained electoral success in elections for the Scottish Parliament, Scottish nationalists also question the authority of the Conservative government to retain any remaining powers over Scotland.<\/p>\n
\nThe Scottish National Party is unequivocal in its opposition to nuclear weapons, and the stationing of the UK nuclear deterrent at the Faslane naval base in Scotland, in particular.\u00a0 It is argued that Scottish Independence would lead to the removal of nuclear weapons from Scotland.<\/p>\n
\nThose Scots opposed to Britain\u2019s departure from the European Union following the 2016 Brexit referendum have suggested that an independent Scotland would have the opportunity to rejoin the European Union.\u00a0 The European Union, keen not to encourage separatist voices in other parts of Europe such as Catalonia, have though hitherto, remained coy, about such prospects.<\/p>\nArguments \u2013 The case made against Scottish independence<\/strong><\/h2>\n
\nThe United Kingdom as a whole is said to currently retain a great deal of influence on the world stage, despite its relatively small population size.<\/p>\n
\nCalculated under the Barnett formula, the Block Grant for Scotland results in proportionally greater funding per head of population than in England.<\/p>\n
\nAt present, over 60% of Scottish exports go to England, Wales and Northern Ireland; more than the rest of the world combined.<\/p>\n
\nThose opposed to Scottish Independence argue that it is far from likely that Scotland will be able to rejoin the European Union. It is thought that those European governments which are facing separatist challenges, such as Spain, wouldbe unwilling to legitimise an independent Scotland and thereby incentivise their own separatist movements.<\/p>\n
\nOpponents of Scottish Independence have also argued that an Independent Scotland would not be able to replicate the extensive security apparatus available to Scotland within the United Kingdom.<\/p>\nIssues to resolve should Scotland ever become independent<\/strong><\/h2>\n
\nA number of proposals have been made as to the approach that an Independent Scotland may adopt in relation to the currency it uses.\u00a0 \u00a0Some have suggested that Scotland would keep the pound under an arrangement termed \u201cadaptive sterlingisation\u201d, whereby an independent Scotland would adopt a policy of unilateral use of the pound outside a currency union.\u00a0Others have suggested that Scotland may seek to switch to the Euro.<\/p>\n\n
\nAn agreement would need to be reached as to Scotland\u2019s share of the United Kingdom\u2019s existing national debt burden.\u00a0Given the size of the current national debt is worth about 100% of the UK\u2019s GDP, discussions in this area would likely prove particularly problematic and difficult.<\/p>\n
\nPost any independence vote, questions would arise concerning the distribution of the UK\u2019s current military resources.\u00a0 The same would relate to the extent to which a new Scottish government would retain access, if at all, to resources such as MI5 and GCHQ.<\/p>\n
\nThe Scottish National Party have proposed maintaining the Kingas Head of State of an independent Scotland. Some in Scottish nationalist circles, mirroring the official republican party policy of Plaid Cymru in Wales, oppose this idea.<\/p>\n
\nThe UK remains the biggest trading partner for Scotland. Agreements would need to be agreed to enable the seamless flow of imports and exports.\u00a0 It is unclear as to the extent to which either side would wish for customs posts and border checks to be introduced.<\/p>\n
\nIt is likely that some form of reciprocal arrangements would need to be put in place between a newly independent Scotland and the rest of the UK in relation to the potential mutual access to public services, particularly around health care and consular services.<\/p>\n
\nAny decision by the Scottish people to vote for independence would likely have a further de-stabilising effect on the remainder of the United Kingdom.\u00a0 It has been suggested that support for other independence causes, particularly\u00a0Welsh Independence<\/a>\u00a0and a\u00a0United Ireland<\/a>\u00a0would gain momentum and draw inspiration from Scotland.<\/p>\nRising calls for Scottish independence<\/strong><\/h2>\n