The public’s general mistrust in politics considered, to a nation disillusioned with 14 years of Conservative chaos, Labour’s landslide win offered a sense of hope and a promise of something different. In fact, Starmer himself pledged during his victory speech in the Tate Modern in the early hours of July 5, that the change he had campaigned on “begins now”.

One year on and Labour finds itself amid the aftermath of a bruising rebellion over welfare reforms, cratering approval ratings, and the spectre of Nigel Farage’s Reform UK  waiting in the wings. Well, no one ever said governing was easy — or that change happens overnight.  From a series of U-turns on winter fuel, a grooming inquiry and now welfare, to the general sense of disappointment that with a stonking majority, they’re being anything but bold, it’s hardly been plain sailing.

However, when it comes to Europe — and the central importance of our largest and closest trading partners to the UK’s economic prosperity — the government, quietly and unobtrusively, has so far ticked most, if not all, of the boxes.

We knew Labour offered a more thoughtful, realistic and pragmatic approach — not hard when you’re following Brexiter Boris Johnson and Rishi Sunak, and let’s not dwell on former Remainer Liz Truss — to our most vital trading relationship, and appreciated its enormous importance to the UK’s employers — of all sizes. Everyone from farmers and fishermen to musicians and manufacturers have been stung by new trade barriers — and now our leaders know it too.

The UK-EU reset in May was a moment of historic promise; the first step in repairing the relationship, restoring opportunities for British people, and — crucially — beginning to bring down costs. A Sanitary and Phytosanitary (SPS) Agreement — can mean far less paperwork and expense for food exporters and importers  — a Youth Mobility Scheme (YMS) which would restore opportunities for our young people, and even energy co-operation, which could lower bills — all of these things are now officially on the agenda and all suggest the government is interested in delivering the kind of change people can feel. The government’s newly-unveiled trade strategy, which stated ministers were “fully convinced of the indispensable value” of trade with the EU, hit this point home.

However, these policies — many of which were first suggested by our cross party commission of MPs and business leaders — cannot be the sum-total of the government’s ambitions. Indeed, they are yet to deliver on any of them. We need to see those pledges become reality — and fast. For the sake of the small business owners losing sleep as they fear going bust, and the families and workers facing ever-rising energy bills, and stretching food budgets further and further. These are people who most need the change Labour promised — and they will be quickest to conclude that yet another government isn’t acting in their best interests.

The steady rise of Reform UK — as well as Labour’s increasingly restive backbenchers — amid the public’s growing dissatisfaction are all related to the financial constraints the government faces. This only makes the need to secure growth and cut costs all the more urgent. On Europe at least, Labour have taken some good first steps and independent economic research shows nothing can move the dial like removing barriers to UK-EU trade.

But it takes two to tango. Brexit was much more damaging for the UK than the EU but the bloc suffered as well, both economically and politically from the loss of one of their largest members. Far from just reversing the meagre gains made so far — a Reform UK government in the UK would be disastrous for both the EU and the UK. So the choice for Brussels is also clear: accept a handshake from Starmer now, or expect a slap from Farage later. They should work further and faster with the willing partner they have in Downing Street so Brits can see the benefits of closer UK-EU ties in time for the next election.

Endless political drama and crises are great for hot takes on social media and filling column inches, but they don’t help build a better society, and they don’t help the people who desperately need it. It’s with this in mind that we should all want Labour’s reset to succeed, it’s why we put so much time and effort into reaching five million voters last year in Britain’s biggest tactical voting campaign.

But our ambition was not just to change the government to one on board with an EU reset, or just to fix the problems Britain faces after Brexit. All of this only matters if the benefits are felt by millions of ordinary people across this country. The benefits of Labour’s success can be, but the cost of their failure could make the Brexit years look like a picnic.

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The dustbin of history has been plundered for rhetoric consigned, or so it was thought, to a fraught past. For those of a certain political persuasion, the summit and corresponding agreement mark the latest in a long line of “Brexit betrayals”. Opponents of the government speak variously but uniformly of “surrender”, of “selling out” and of “capitulation”.

Years may have elapsed since the “Brexit wars” — fought across parliaments and election campaigns — were won. But the landscape of our politics is riven with the scars of that period. At an unsettling pace then, politicians have returned to their old stations. A full regiment of Hiroo Onodas has spilled out of the jungle onto a deserted battlefield to arrange the reopening of hostilities.

The difference being that Onoda — a Japanese soldier who refused to believe the Second World War was over until 1974 — stood on the losing side.

It is Keir Starmer, the shadow Brexit secretary who failed to stop Brexit, who is today in the ascendant. Opening the first summit of its kind this morning, the prime minister said the UK and EU could now focus on “looking forward, not backwards”.

Sat opposite Ursula von der Leyen, the president of the European Commission, Starmer commented that the gathering “marks a new era in our relationship.”

He added: “We on this side are following through on what the British public voted for last year and the mission of this government to deliver security and renewal for our country and improve the lives of working people…

“That is what today is all about, moving on from stale old debates, looking forward, not backwards, focusing on what we can do together to deliver in the national interest.”

***This article first appeared in a special edition of Politics.co.uk’s Politics@Lunch newsletter, centring on the UK-EU summit. Sign-up for free and never miss our daily briefing.***

In a press release this afternoon, No 10 said the prime minister’s deal would add £9 billion to Britain’s economy by 2040, while cutting bills for shoppers and bolstering border security.

As part of the deal, a new security and defence partnership has been agreed which, No 10 says, will pave the way for the UK defence industry to participate in the EU’s proposed new £150 billion defence fund. The government is also touting a new sanitary and phytosanitary (SPS) agreement, as well as protections for British steel exports from EU rules and restrictive tariffs.

Meanwhile, talks are continuing on a youth mobility scheme to allow people aged 18-30 in the UK and the EU to move freely between countries for a limited period of time. According to Downing Street, the UK will also “enter talks” about access to EU “facial images data” for the first time — enhancing the Britain’s ability to “catch dangerous criminals”.

It is, of course, the concessions that have attracted the greatest share of opposition disdain from both Conservative and Reform UK sources. On the issue of fishing rights, Britain has now agreed to open its waters for a further 12 years to EU boats — more than the five years the UK negotiating team, according to reports, initially offered.

Nigel Farage has said the concession “will be the end of the fishing industry”, while Kemi Badenoch argues Britain has become a “rule-taker from Brussels once again.”

The responses emanating from both the Reform and Conservative camps point to the dominant dynamic between the two opposition parties. Their respective criticisms ostensibly take aim at the government — but they also interact and compete with each other.

The Tories, recent polling and the local elections suggest, are losing the fight on the right. Farage commands the attention of the UK media in a fashion that is typically reserved for the de jure opposition chief. As such, the Conservative Party has to go further in its rhetoric to command coverage and secure a place in the debate. Badenoch duly indulges in a short-term hit of relevance. But the comedown is often crippling.

The risk for both parties, and for the Conservatives in particular, is that this inexorable spiral widens the gap between the stances adopted, successively and over time, and the mainstream of public opinion, which remains relatively static and may even shift in the opposite direction.

The “Brexit reset” debate is a clear case in point. According to YouGov polling conducted for the fifth anniversary of Brexit — 31 January this year — just three in ten Britons (30 per cent) now say that it was right for the UK to vote to leave the EU. That is compared to 55 per cent who say it was wrong for the country to vote for Brexit in 2016. This finding, YouGov commented at the time, was the lowest proportion of the public saying that Britain was right to vote to leave since the pollster began asking this question in the aftermath of the referendum in 2016.

On top of this, more than six in ten Britons (62 per cent) said that Brexit has so far been more of a failure — against just one in ten (11 per cent) who felt that it has been more of a success.

Such is the trap set for Badenoch and Farage in the Brexit reset debate. In fighting each other, the Conservatives and Reform risk losing sight of the bigger picture.

There are also stricter, shorter-term political risks. Badenoch’s tweet first, ask questions later approach to opposition came seriously unstuck when it was enacted against the UK-India trade deal. Her criticism of the national insurance exemption in the agreement was soon undermined by a Financial Times scoop that highlighted her acquiescence to it as trade secretary. Badenoch’s prominent position in the last government means she is exposed to revelations such as this.

Moreover, by refighting the Brexit war in this manner, Badenoch risks foregrounding her own party’s historic failures. After all, how are the Conservatives supposed to signal that they have changed, while addressing old issues using the same stale and overly performative rhetoric? In so relentlessly ploughing old, barren political ground, the Conservative leader tacitly admits that her party is wanting for new ideas.

Starmer’s positioning is informed by a calculation that Britain has had enough of the Brexit wars. Badenoch is looking to re-conscript the country into “Remain” and “Leave” camps. The tactic misunderstands both public opinion and the Conservative Party’s (lack of) credibility on the UK’s relationship with the European Union.

The Tory leader’s attempt to tack to the eurosceptic right of Farage is also doomed to fail. It will not be long before the internecine struggles that characterised the 2016-2020 Brexit wars recommence. I give it a matter of hours before the Reform UK leader, possibly in the House of Commons, points to “betrayals” from the sitting Labour government — but also past Conservative administrations. What gain is to be found for Badenoch when the debate takes this inevitable turn?

Speaking in Brussels last week to an international conclave of centre-right parties, Badenoch summed up her approach to opposition: “I’m the new kid on the block. I’m the insurgent now. I’m the underdog, and I need to remind people that the Conservative Party which disappointed them is not me, and we are the ones who are the ones who can channel the anger and the frustration.”

The Conservative leader considers her coarse criticisms tantamount to insurgency.

But hitting the same notes harder, faster and more intensely will not convince sceptical voters that some tired tune is worth listening to. Rather, it may convince the public that its original conceptions, formed across fourteen years of Conservative government, are justified.

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Danny Chambers: ‘The UK-EU summit is the time to act on veterinary medicines’

Lunchtime soundbite

‘In this spirit we have designed the roadmap we are working on together and I think it shows that we are working towards a friendly cooperation that is of benefit for both sides of the Channel’

—  Ursula von der Leyen, the president of the European Commission, said today’s agreement represented a “new beginning for old friends”.

Now try this…

‘How has Britain’s economy fared since Brexit? The five charts underpinning the UK-EU summit’
Via the Guardian.

‘Over half of Labour’s 2024 vote is considering switching to Lib Dem or Greens’
PoliticsHome reports.

‘What’s in a name? Nigel Farage forces Westminster think tank to rebrand’
The Reform think tank will now be known as Re:State, Politico reports.

On this day in 2023:

Sunak refuses to recommit to Conservative manifesto pledge to cut migration

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The post Kemi Badenoch will lose any ‘Brexit war’ she starts appeared first on Politics.co.uk.

The prime minister unveiled the “landmark” agreement at a press conference in central London alongside Ursula von der Leyen, the president of the European Commission, and Antonio Costa, the president of the European Council. 

Starmer said that the first UK-EU summit shows “it’s time to look forward” and move on from “the stale old debates and political fights”.

He added: “That’s what this deal is all about: facing out to the world once again in the great tradition of this nation. Building the relationships we choose, with the partners we choose and closing deals in the national interest.”

Read the prime minister’s remarks in full below:

Ladies and gentlemen – Britain is back on the world stage.

Working with our partners. Doing deals that will grow our economy and putting more money in the pockets of working people.

In the last two weeks alone, we’ve delivered trade deals with India and the US. That means: jobs saved, jobs created, more growth and a huge vote of confidence in this country.

It shows that – as global instability is rising, the decisions we have taken to stabilise the economy and lead the way internationally have made Britain a place where people want to do business once again.

And from that position of strength – today we have struck this landmark deal with the EU – a new partnership between an independent Britain and our allies in Europe.

This is the first UK-EU summit, that marks a new stage in our relationship. And this deal, is a win-win. It delivers what the British public voted for last year.

It gives us unprecedented access to the EU market – the best of any country outside the EU or EFTA.

All while sticking to our red lines in our manifesto about. Not rejoining the single market, no rejoining the customs union and no return to freedom of movement.

This deal is good for both sides – and let me set out why it is good for Britain. We’ve struck an SPS deal to make food and agriculture trade with the EU cheaper and easier.

Slashing red tape and bureaucracy. That will mean lower food prices at the checkout.

More choice on our supermarket shelves – and more money in people’s pockets.

It will boost British exporters because, once again after a long absence, we’ll be able to sell great British burgers, shellfish and other products into the EU.

We’ve also struck a new Defence and Security Partnership to strengthen our cooperation and strengthen our security – which is vital in this dangerous new era.

And it will open the door to working with the EU’s new defence fund – providing new opportunities for our defence industry, supporting British jobs and livelihoods.

We are also increasing our co-operation on emissions trading. Saving UK businesses from having to pay £800 million in EU carbon taxes. Once again: supporting British businesses, backing British jobs.

Next, we are increasing our cooperation on energy to drive down bills in the long term.

The agreement negotiated by the last government left us with more disconnected with our closest neighbours despite being physically connected to the European grid by our undersea cables.

Today’s deal will see us work to bring these systems together again – benefitting bill payers and boosting our renewables industry in the North Sea.

Today’s deal is also good for British steel, protecting our steel exports from new EU tariffs. Saving the industry £25 million each year. Another example of this government backing our steel sector to the hilt.

We’ve reached a deal today on fish, protecting our access, rights and fishing areas with no increase in the amount that EU vessels can catch in British waters.

Our fishing industry will also benefit from the new SPS agreement which slashes costs and red tape for our exports into the European market. And we already sell 70% of our seafood into that market so it’s really significant. It is also opening the gates to sending shellfish back into the EU.

And I can announce today that we’re investing £360 million into our fishing industry – to help them take advantage of this deal.

We have acted today to strengthen our borders. The previous deal left a huge gap in our ability to work together to tackle illegal migration.

So this deal closes that gap so that we can work across the migration routes to end the migration crisis and smash the criminal gangs.

We are boosting our cooperation on law enforcement. Combating terrorism and serious organised crime with better sharing of intelligence and data – including facial imaging, for the first time.

Today’s deal will also help British holidaymakers as we are confirming that they will able to use e-Gates when they travel to Europe – ending those huge queues at passport control.

And I call on all EU members states to help make this a reality without delay.

Finally – we have agreed today cooperate on a youth experience scheme to allow our young people to travel and work freely in Europe. And I’m clear – this will come with all the appropriate time-limits, caps and visa requirements.

So – it’s a long list – and it just shows how much we have achieved here today – real benefits for the British people.

Because, it’s time to look forward. It’s time to move on from the stale old debates and political fights to focus on delivering common sense, practical solutions which get the best for the British people.

We’re ready to work with all our partners.

If it means we can improve people’s lives here at home.

And that’s what this deal is all about: facing out to the world once again in the great tradition of this nation. Building the relationships we choose, with the partners we choose and closing deals in the national interest.

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The summit will hopefully bring us closer to a new UK-EU security and defence agreement. I am proud of how the UK government has stepped up in its now regular cooperation with European countries on the response to Russia’s war in Ukraine. It is now vital that we move from cooperation to coordination, pooling our strengths to secure the continent’s future.

Parliamentarians, however, also see the summit as a moment to pursue broader cultural and social issues that have the potential to enrich our civil society.

Recent VE Day celebrations were a key reminder that what we share with the rest of Europe runs deeper. A relationship based on our shared values, history and a belief in tolerance, opportunity and prosperity for all. Battersea’s veterans were keen to tell me that now is the time to recommit to this collective vision, a vision they sacrificed so much to achieve.

This view is shared by young people. Following a recent event for young people at Europe House, engaged students made their views clear that a renewed UK-EU relationship is needed, to deepen cultural exchange, language learning and educational opportunities.

The message is clear: we must be more ambitious in creating opportunities for young people.

That’s why, at the last UK-EU Parliamentary Partnership Assembly, which I co-chaired in Brussels, there was strong cross-party support for a youth mobility scheme. This would enable young people to access education, work, and cultural experiences across borders and underpinned by a shared belief in social ties and connection.

I believe that a youth mobility scheme for 18-30 year olds would hugely enrich their lives, giving young people the chance to travel and experience a new culture, while simultaneously bolstering their prospects.

It’s now time for London and Brussels to take up this mantle. The EU summit should open the doors to a bespoke youth mobility scheme, allowing British and European 18–30-year-olds to travel freely for distinct periods.

This pragmatic policy would mirror the already existing youth mobility schemes we have with 13 non-European countries. As with these established schemes, it would be visa-based, time-limited and subject to a cap on numbers. This wouldn’t enable long-term settlement, making it therefore a far cry from freedom of movement.

In Battersea, many constituents have shared stories of lost professional and academic chances since 2020. One student engineer, for instance, struggled to arrange short-term study in Germany due to visa issues – they even felt they would be better off leaving to work in the EU.

It cannot be sensible to lock some of our brightest from gaining new expertise abroad. Breaking down the barriers to travel, work and study would enable young people to thrive, and our country would reap the economic reward as a result.

But it’s not just Battersea crying out for a youth mobility scheme. In 2024, more than 59% of Brits believed the government should negotiate a youth mobility scheme with the EU.

Nor would the scheme be just for the benefit of the middle classes. For example, a young person could take up a hospitality job in Spain or complete an apprenticeship in Germany. If we get this right, a youth mobility scheme could help put an end to the damaging view that culture and travel are reserved only for the middle classes.

Since being elected, this Labour government has worked tirelessly to create a new relationship with our European neighbours. As we look ahead to crafting a positive shared future in these uncertain times, we must ensure that a youth mobility scheme — for the benefit of all our young people — is part of that vision.

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Ed Davey, the leader of the Liberal Democrats, has called on the government to be “bold and ambitious for our country” and to ignore “dinosaurs fighting old battles”.

British and European negotiators worked overnight on Monday to hash out a deal before the prime minister appears at a press conference in the afternoon alongside European Commission chief Ursula von der Leyen and European Council president Antonio Costa.

According to reports in recent days, a deal is set to include an announcement on defence and security, which could feature an agreement allowing British firms access to a £125 billion EU defence fund.

Agreements on allowing British travellers to use e-gates at European airports, cutting red tape on food exports and setting up a youth mobility scheme with the EU are also reported to be on the table.

The Liberal Democrats are calling for a new trade deal with the EU, including a UK-EU customs union, which the party points to as the “single biggest thing ministers could do to boost growth”.

In comments released overnight on Monday, Davey said: “Keir Starmer must be bold and ambitious for our country in today’s summit. Voters were promised change by this government, and they have to deliver.

“Being truly ambitious, including a new UK-EU customs union, would be the single biggest thing ministers could do to boost growth and fix the public finances.

“Anything less would be a choice to limit growth, harming living standards and hitting the NHS and other public services.

“The prime minister must ignore the dinosaurs fighting old battles, who want to drag us back to the destructive Brexit wars of the past, and focus on getting the best deal possible for the UK.”

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Farage’s Reform UK has already dismissed the UK-EU summit as “just posturing”. 

Speaking on Monday morning, Reform deputy leader Richard Tice told Sky News: “There’s a deal basically being done to surrender some of the opportunities from Brexit.

“It’s quite clear that a scheme dressed up as youth mobility will actually be a return to freedom of movement in all but name — that’s not what the British people want, and they confirmed that when they voted significantly for Reform just a few weeks ago.

“It’ll be a surrender of our ability to make our own rules, instead we’re going to go back to basically being a rule taker from the EU.”

Meanwhile, Conservative leader Kemi Badenoch has looked to issue a “warning” about the UK-EU summit. 

She said: “I am very worried about what Keir Starmer has negotiated with the EU. We’ve seen time and again that when Labour negotiates, Britain loses.

“The India trade deal handed tax breaks to Indian workers. Starmer’s talks with Trump left us with worse US tariffs than we had in March. And most embarrassingly of all, the prime minister went to Albania to announce a ‘deportation hubs’ plan, and the Albanian prime minister stood next to Starmer and told the media he wasn’t interested.

“Labour should have used this review of our EU trade deal to secure new wins for Britain, such as an EU-wide agreement on Brits using e-gates on the continent. Instead, it sounds like we’re giving away our fishing quotas, becoming a rule-taker from Brussels once again and getting free movement by the back door. This isn’t a reset, it’s a surrender.”

The Lib Dems wrote to Labour MPs over the weekend, urging them to back closer trade ties with the EU, which the party insists would boost the public finances and avoid “savage” cuts to disability benefits and the winter fuel payment.

In an open letter to Labour MPs, Lib Dem foreign affairs spokesperson Calum Miller wrote: “Monday’s summit can deliver vital new opportunities for constituents across our country. That’s why Liberal Democrats have been calling on the government and the European Commission to approach these talks with genuine ambition and bold ideas.

“We’ve been encouraged by the prime minister’s willingness to engage with the EU in a substantive way, particularly when compared with the actively hostile and damaging approach taken by the previous Conservative governments.

“Indeed, Conservative and Reform MPs have made clear this week that they have no interest in repairing our relationship with the UK’s largest trading partner.

“This is despite the agreement amongst economists that an improved relationship with Europe could unlock a huge boost to the Treasury. New analysis suggests that the benefit could be as substantial as an estimated £25 billion.

“This revenue could go toward protecting the most vulnerable in our society — including those who have lost their personal independence payments (PIP) due to higher barriers to accessing the benefit, or pensioners who have lost their winter fuel payments through the introduction of means-testing. 

“These are issues about which I know colleagues care passionately.”

Josh Self is Editor of Politics.co.uk, follow him on Bluesky here.

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Pointing to conflicting statements issued by ministers, the foreign affairs select committee says it has heard “repeatedly” from its counterparts in Europe that they remain unclear about the government’s policy for the overall UK-EU relationship.

In a letter addressed to the prime minister, Keir Starmer, the committee has called for the government to be “bold” and “ambitious”, conveying its fear that the EU will not respond positively to the current approach.

The cross-party group of MPs, chaired by former Labour frontbencher Dame Emily Thornberry, notes that “significant political leadership” is required to overcome the legacy of low trust created by the Brexit negotiations. It has also called for a “more compelling UK political narrative about the UK-EU relationship”, which could see the respective teams move beyond such barriers.

The committee states: “While the government has shown a clear commitment and demonstrable progress in some areas in wanting to achieve a meaningful reset with the EU, the evidence we have received suggests its approach to the reset lacks an overall strategic vision, or at least not one that is being communicated clearly to external parties outside of Whitehall.”

The letter outlines the committee’s support for the government to explore the scope for a balanced UK-EU mobility scheme for young people. But the committee maintains that any such scheme must be mutually beneficial, include protections against its abuse, and face a debate then vote in the House of Commons. 

In its letter, the committee comments: “It seems likely that the government’s insistence until this month that there were ‘no plans’ for a youth mobility scheme with the EU, despite this clearly being a key ask from the other side, may have lost the UK goodwill on the EU side to also look at some of its ‘red lines’ again to determine if some new flexibilities on issues such as trade barriers were possible.”

It adds: “We have been told that the EU would likely respond to such ambition, but the UK needs to be the first mover given its decision to leave [with Brexit].”

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Significantly, the committee suggests that the EU’s “Youth Experience Scheme” demand “would be very different” to the free movement that existed before Brexit. The government has repeatedly stressed that a return to free movement is a red line in any negotiations.

The committee states: “With a limit on the time that beneficiaries could spend in the UK, the evidence suggests that such a scheme could be designed in a way that is compatible with the government’s ambitions on reducing net migration figures.”

In a major speech in Brussels earlier this year, the minister for the constitution and European Union relations, Nick Thomas-Symonds, set out “three pillars” that would shape the government’s approach to negotiations: prosperity, safety and security. 

Thomas-Symonds went on to say “ruthless pragmatism” would serve as the UK government’s guiding principle and declared that “the time for ideologically driven division is over.”

The committee has now questioned whether this approach is “sufficient”, noting concerns expressed in Europe that the framing fails to recognise the “strategic importance” of the reset.

The letter reads: “The ‘ruthless pragmatism’, which the minister for EU relations has adopted as the guiding principle for the UK’s approach to the reset, may not be sufficient; it has been suggested to us that UK public diplomacy in the EU built around this framing has so far failed to convince key stakeholders of the strategic importance for both sides of making the reset a success.”

It adds: “The committee has heard that there is a noticeable lack of interest in the reset process in public and political debate in the EU when compared to the UK, which may also reflect the absence of a coherent UK ‘pitch’ beyond seeking technical fixes to specific policy issues, like a Sanitary and Phytosanitary (SPS) Agreement to reduce barriers to agri-food trade.

“The government has also been noticeably reluctant to discuss the trade-offs inherent in any reset, or how closer ties with the EU could affect the UK-US relationship.”

Along these lines, the committee regrets what it terms the government’s “piecemeal” approach, claiming that there is “no comprehensive overview of the outcomes the UK is seeking to achieve” through the reset. 

The committee’s letter reads: “Ministers’ ambitions, such as an SPS Agreement, are described only in the most general terms in official documents and statements in parliament and are nowhere brought together in a single document.”

Comparing the approaches adopted by the UK and EU, it adds: “We note by contrast that the EU continues to publish relatively detailed outlines of its negotiating position across different aspects of the reset, especially for areas that require new binding UK-EU agreements.”

The committee also voices concern that the government’s “piecemeal and secretive approach” to the reset is complicating scrutiny, which could negatively affect the stability and durability of the reset. 

Dame Emily, in whose name the letter is signed, notes that while ministers have repeatedly insisted that they will not provide “a running commentary” on the UK-EU negotiations, there have been almost continuous, but unattributed, briefings to the press about developments in the government’s position.

Regarding media briefings, the letter states: “These have most recently included reports, not to our knowledge denied by the government, that ministers may at the upcoming summit agree to explore alignment with EU rules in areas such as agri-food, product safety, energy trading and carbon emissions; will, despite earlier denials, enter into negotiations on a youth mobility scheme; is working with the EU on a joint declaration committing to working together on major geopolitical challenges; and is willing to roll over current levels of access to UK waters by EU fishing boats beyond 2026…

“None of the possible outcomes of the summit suggested by recent briefings to the press, which would all be significant policy choices in their own right, have been put to parliament by the government.”

The committee is insistent that effective scrutiny and accountability requires ministers to articulate what their “objectives and proposals” for the reset are. “This is not a desirable state of affairs”, Thornberry notes.

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On defence and security cooperation, the committee has called on the government to use the UK-EU reset to establish a relationship that “reflects the importance of coordinated action, particularly — but not exclusively — in relation to continued support for Ukraine given Russia’s continued attacks and the changes in policy in the United States.”

The committee expresses its hope that the EU will be persuaded by the “needs of the moment” to include the UK as part of the new Security and Defence Partnership.

The committee has also urged the government to make rapid progress in dismantling trade barriers, and for ministers to be ambitious in their offer to the EU. The letter calls for clarity when it comes to the possibility of UK alignment with EU rules and points to an “apparent disparity” between the two sides on the envisaged outcome.

The letter states: “We note… that the EU’s chief negotiator in his recent intervention in the European Parliament did not mention trade or growth as a focus area for the summit, which may reflect a divergence in views on the purpose the reset should serve.”

Commenting ahead of the letter’s publication, committee chair Dame Emily said: “We should be clear about what it is that we want and act with a little less caution and a lot more confidence. If we do this, there is every reason to believe the EU will respond positively.

“European nations are amongst the UK’s closest and most important allies. We are fellow liberal democracies with shared values and history, as well as common challenges. While it would be foolish not to acknowledge that the relationship between the UK and EU still bears the scars of the Brexit negotiations, we need to look to the future, not remain stuck in the past.

“Over the course of our inquiry so far, much of the evidence we have heard indicates that the UK public is ready to move on from the tensions of Brexit and embrace a wide-ranging reset in our relations with the EU. It now falls to the government to reflect this shift and to be bolder and more ambitious.

“The trade deals recently struck with the USA and India provide new opportunities for the UK economy to thrive and grow. But these agreements are not substitutes for doing the hard work of dismantling the trade barriers between the UK and EU.

“There have already been tentative steps in the right direction, and in today’s letter, our cross-party committee supports the government’s decision to consider a Youth Mobility Scheme, which could deliver opportunity for young people across Europe.

“The war in Ukraine teaches us that we must work with like-minded nations to defend democracy and the rules-based international order. Let’s hope that the summit on Monday is the beginning of a new chapter of closer cooperation on defence and security with our friends in Europe.”

Josh Self is Editor of Politics.co.uk, follow him on Bluesky here.

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As a veterinary surgeon, I have seen first-hand the irreplaceable value of the availability of a wide range of safe, effective veterinary medicines in protecting animal health and welfare. It’s essential to disease prevention, combatting the challenge of antimicrobial resistance and safeguarding public health.

It’s not just vets and pet owners who need access to these products. Farmers everywhere, including in my constituency Winchester, need these essential veterinary medicines to protect their livestock and their livelihoods. In turn, this protects supply chains and food security.

Yet access to these products is being quietly undermined by the absence of a Veterinary Medicines Agreement between the UK and the EU, with the potential for future regulatory gaps to arise.

Since Brexit, our veterinary medicine regulations have started to drift from those of the EU. While the current differences are still very limited, their impact is not. In a tightly regulated sector, even minor misalignments can create significant administrative burden and serious disruption to supply and product availability.

Some veterinary medicines are already reaching EU markets months before they’re available in Great Britain. NOAH (the National Office of Animal Health) is already receiving reports from members about slower authorisations for key products in Great Britain compared to the EU, including some livestock vaccines.

This isn’t just an inconvenience. Delays like these affect the ability of farmers to manage disease outbreaks early, increasing the likelihood of animal suffering, production losses, and the spread of illness through herds and flocks.

And when livestock health suffers, so does food production. This threatens the stability and security of our food supply, drives up on-farm costs and feeds through to higher prices at the checkout.

When consumers are already facing a cost-of-living crisis, failing to safeguard food production systems is short-sighted and irresponsible.

The picture is even more urgent in Northern Ireland. Veterinary medicines were excluded from the Windsor Framework derogations granted for human medicines and it is expected that — if a deal isn’t reached soon — up to 15% of animal medicines could be withdrawn from the Northern Ireland market by the end of this year.

This would have serious consequences for farmers, vets and animal owners. It would also fragment the UK’s internal market, creating uncertainty and inconsistency in disease control.

The UK’s animal health sector has developed a clear and credible framework for a Veterinary Medicines Agreement. It includes proposals for harmonised technical assessments, mutual recognition of batch testing, certification and release, coordinated labelling, and cooperation on pharmacovigilance and antimicrobial resistance.

These aren’t lofty ambitions. They are practical steps that would reduce bureaucracy, improve access to vital products, and ensure resilience across the supply chain.

Access to veterinary medicines isn’t a party-political matter – it’s a national interest. It affects every part of our food system and is essential if we’re serious about maintaining the UK’s world-leading animal welfare standards. Consumers and the public need this cross-border cooperation.

The EU-UK summit is the government’s chance to fix this. A veterinary medicines agreement, either within a wider Sanitary and Phytosanitary (SPS) deal or as a standalone chapter, must be on the table.

We have the evidence. We have the industry alignment. What we need now is political leadership. The cost of doing nothing is simply too high.

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When David Davis sat across the table from his opposite number for the opening of the Brexit talks, only one side brought any documents. While it was only one photo, it spoke volumes about the Tory government’s approach and attitude to negotiations compared to the EU. While they struggled to agree on what type of Brexit they wanted, Brussels was prepared and in the face of British uncertainty set the terms of the negotiations. The talks were conducted to the EU’s schedule, with their priorities addressed first.

The geopolitical upheaval we have experienced over the last three years and particularly in the last three months might tempt some to believe the EU will be a softer touch this time around. Yes the situation is different and the mood music has improved, but we should not be naive. Starmer’s relationship reset is still a negotiation and if we want a better result he must play the UK’s hand a good deal better than Theresa May or Boris Johnson. Unlike his predecessors, he has an ace in the hole this time around.

Britain remains one of NATO’s foremost military powers in Europe, with the highest defence spending among European allies and critical assets like a nuclear deterrent and advanced arms manufacturing. Unlike 2017, this is now a key consideration for Brussels. For a continent in a hurry to rearm, Britain is an obvious asset.  In the face of both Russian aggression and US isolationism, greater cooperation between Europe and the UK must happen and will understandably be the focus of any joint declaration from the EU-UK summit. But it must be the first step in delivering what Britain really needs from the relationship reset — the removal of technical barriers to trade. Politically, this is what the government needs as well.

This government will be judged on economic growth, and the benefits of this growth being felt by ordinary people who have seen prices go up while wages stagnate.  This is already a tall order with the UK’s productivity woes and limited fiscal headroom but add to that Donald Trump’s trade war, which the IMF has flagged as a drag on global growth. In this context, deeper alignment with the EU on goods and services could deliver the certainty businesses crave and the economic boost the UK urgently needs, all while reducing costs for consumers.

Research by Frontier Economics, commissioned by Best for Britain, shows that closer regulatory alignment could deliver up to 1.5% GDP growth, with the biggest gains in the Midlands and the North. Meanwhile, the EU could soften the blow of US tariffs by boosting trade with a UK more closely integrated into its regulatory framework.

Recent reports suggest that at least for now, the focus is on a sanitary and phytosanitary (SPS) agreement, including some regulatory alignment. While helpful for the agrifood sector, it will only have a marginal impact on growth. Removing technical barriers to trade for entire supply chains across multiple industries is what’s needed to meaningfully shift the economic dial. Britain needs more than an SPS agreement and voters agree.

Polling shows that Brits expect trade to be the top priority for this government at next month’s summit ahead of cross channel migration or defence, and contrary to received wisdom, they are relaxed if improving trade with our largest market means following some of their rules. On a list of their overall priorities, keeping the door to a US trade deal comes second from the bottom in a list of twenty and twice as many say the government is not going far enough in deepening ties with the EU compared to those who say their current approach is correct.

For the UK and EU, helping goods cross borders can drive the economic growth that can help us meet the huge external threats we face together. It is in both the UK and EU interests to ensure that agreements next month on defence, youth mobility and carbon tax harmonisation are only the first step. If Starmer wants to deliver on his promise of national renewal, he must avoid short-term wins and focus on the prize that really matters: growth through a common sense deal on trade.

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That’s a view that’s become more common in recent years. In fact, last month, my fellow MPs and I debated an e-petition calling for the UK to rejoin the European Union after it received well over 100,000 signatures.

Leaving the EU was a significant moment. We left a union of nations that was established to promote peace on our continent, that had seen the dismantling of barriers between nations, and that enabled trade and cultural ties to flourish.

Nobody wants to revisit the division and toxicity of the Brexit debate, and I understand the hesitation of the government to even go there. But we must not forget that the referendum debate was fuelled by misinformation and outright lies about what leaving the EU would mean for our country.

Five years on, though, no one is in any doubt. Just last month, when I visited the European parliament with many colleagues, I heard the minister for the Cabinet Office refer to research by Aston University finding that exports to the EU have fallen by 27% since Brexit.

That figure, unfortunately, will be of no surprise to businesses in my constituency of South Devon. One shellfish exporter recently told me that they must have 17 pieces of paper signed by a vet for every consignment of mussels they export to the EU, making it impossible to trade efficiently with their biggest customer.

Similarly, a small household product retailer has had to end all trade with the EU because of new product safety regulations; a delicatessen is finding it increasingly difficult to import small quantities of wines; and a precision engineering company has found its exports tangled in red tape.

On and on it goes. In every sector, you hear the same story.

But Brexit’s impact is not limited to trade. It’s a tragedy that our children and grandchildren will not have the chances we had to go to Europe, to develop skills, and bring all that experience back to the UK.

It is high time the government agreed a youth mobility scheme with the EU. Last month, I welcomed the EU-UK parliamentary partnership assembly’s agreement that said the government understood the need to establish a youth opportunity schemes, including apprenticeships.

We all understand the need; let us hope that the government will go further than that and address it.

I can’t deny, though, I have my doubts. Labour say they want a reset in relations with the EU, but no one I spoke to on the EU side in Brussels last month was clear what that really means.

Fixing our broken relationship with Europe is the most obvious way to boost our economy and provide much-needed funding to fix our public services. And in the wake of US tariffs, it is more important than ever that we shore up trade with our nearest neighbours.

The single biggest thing we can do to turbocharge our economy in the medium and long term is form a customs union with the EU, tearing down the trade barriers and shredding the red tape that is holding so many businesses back.

The Liberal Democrats have always believed we are stronger as part of Europe. It is a long road back, and, thanks to the Conservatives, it will take a long time to rebuild trust, but we owe it to future generations to make it happen.

Sadly, it is probably too early to campaign to rejoin the EU right now — it is not even an option on the table — but we must take concrete steps towards rectifying the damage wreaked by the Conservatives’ botched Brexit deal.

The time for repeating meaningless warm words is over; it’s time to put the work in to rebuild our shattered relationship with Europe.

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We must remember why the referendum was called in the first place. It was not because of an overwhelming public demand to leave the EU — that never really existed, but instead because of deep divisions within the Conservative Party. It was also an attempt to pacify Nigel Farage and the Eurosceptic right — a faction that, as history has shown, would never be satisfied.

At the time, in the wake of Russia’s annexation of Ukraine’s Crimea region, foreign interference was a growing concern. Russia had already begun using disinformation campaigns to undermine Western democracies, and Brexit was no exception. Reports from parliament’s intelligence and security committee have highlighted the extent of Russian influence in the referendum, with cyber campaigns and misinformation spreading instability in the UK and across Europe.

Yet, instead of recognising these threats, Brexit left us weaker — economically, diplomatically, and in terms of our security.

The economic cost of Brexit

We were told Brexit would bring prosperity, but the facts tell a different story.

Research from the London School of Economics shows that 14,000 small businesses have stopped trading with the EU altogether. The National Institute of Economic and Social Research reports that foreign direct investment has dropped by 37% since 2016. The Office for Budget Responsibility (OBR) forecasts that by 2035, Brexit will have left the UK economy 4% smaller than it would have been if we had remained in the EU — a loss of hundreds of billions in trade, investment, and productivity.

Meanwhile, new trade deals with non-EU countries have failed to deliver the promised benefits. The OBR itself has confirmed that these agreements will not have a meaningful impact on economic growth.

A UK-EU ‘reset’ in a changing world

Despite these economic realities, the government has ruled out rejoining the EU or revisiting the fundamental nature of our relationship during this parliament. The manifesto I stood on was clear on that point. I understand why — there is no appetite to reopen those wounds while the country is still recovering from a pandemic and beginning the arduous task of rebuilding public services after years of Conservative mismanagement.

But geopolitics is shifting fast. The war in Ukraine, Russian aggression, and an unpredictable American president, has underscored the importance of European unity in the face of a rapidly changing world. The EU has responded with strength and coordination, while Britain, outside its structures, has played the cards it has well but misses out on new European defence initiatives, and involvement in key technologies, such as the EU alternative to GPS. As new global challenges emerge — trade wars, cyber threats, climate change — the UK cannot afford to be isolated.

That is why we must be pragmatic and push for a genuine reset in our dealings with the EU, ensuring that we work together where it is in our mutual interest. Some progress has already been made—the government is negotiating a veterinary (SPS) agreement to reduce border checks on agricultural goods, working on a new security pact, and exploring ways to support UK artists touring in Europe.

But this is not enough. We must go further.

What more can be done?

In my speech during the Westminster Hall debate, I set out several immediate, practical steps the government should take to improve our relationship with the EU without reopening the Brexit debate:

• A youth mobility scheme — this is clearly on the table and is linked by the EU to co-operation in other areas. This is a great opportunity; young people should be able to live, study, and work in the EU, just as they could before Brexit.
• Joining the pan-Euro-Mediterranean convention — This would ease trade barriers and help British businesses reintegrate into European supply chains.
• A mutual recognition agreement for professional qualifications – British professionals should not face unnecessary restrictions when working across the EU.

These measures would not mean rejoining the EU, but they would help repair some of the economic damage and rebuild trust with our European partners. It also helps set the scene.

Keeping the conversation alive

This parliament will not see the UK rejoin the EU. But the conversation about our future relationship with Europe must not be shut down.

The long-term interests of the UK — our economic security, our trade, and our influence — are inextricably tied to Europe. As global tensions rise and new threats emerge, Britain cannot go it alone. 

The Brexit debate will not stay settled forever.

The next parliament will have to ask the fundamental question again: does Britain’s future really lie outside the EU? I believe, in the long run, the answer is no. But for now, we must work to repair what we can, lay the groundwork for a real debate, and be ready when the moment comes for Britain to reconsider its place in Europe.

That conversation must start now. In truth it never went away.

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The post Tim Roca: ‘Brexit has left Britain weaker — the UK-EU reset must go further’ appeared first on Politics.co.uk.

Labour MP Stella Creasy vowed at the outset of her speech to speak plainly about the impact of Brexit, which she rubbished as “a disaster by anybody’s metric.”

In one of several swipes at Nigel Farage during the debate, held in Westminster Hall, Creasy said: “If the honourable member for Clacton [Farage] was in the country, I am sure that he would be telling all of us that we need straight talking, so let us have some straight talking.”

Creasy, who serves as chair of the Labour Movement for Europe, added: “Brexit is a disaster. It is a disaster by anybody’s metric, not least those according to whom it was purported to be a route to the promised land.”

The comment came as MPs discussed a successful e-petition relating to the UK re-joining the European Union. At the time of the debate, the petition had accumulated around 134,000 signatures, surpassing the threshold needed for it to be considered for a debate in parliament.

The petition states: “I believe joining the EU would boost the economy, increase global influence, improve collaboration and provide stability [and] freedom. I believe that Brexit hasn’t brought any tangible benefit and there is no future prospect of any, that the UK has changed its mind and that this should be recognised.”

The minister on duty, Abena Oppong-Asare, nonetheless rejected the key ask of the petition, underlining the government’s position that the UK will “not seek to rejoin the EU.”

The Cabinet Office minister added: “Nor will there be a return to freedom of movement, the customs union or the single market, as we set out in our general election manifesto. That was a clear commitment ahead of the election, in which the government secured a significant majority.”

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During the debate, it was noted by a number of MPs that representatives from Farage’s Reform UK party were not present to set out their party’s case. 

Labour MP Neil Coyle, intervening on petitions committee member Paul Davies who was introducing the debate, told the chamber: “I support rejoining and always opposed leaving, for the reasons around national security and our national interest that my honourable friend outlined. 

“Is he surprised that there are no Reform members present in the chamber, and does he believe that that is because they spend more time sucking up to Trump and Putin than representing their constituents, in particular those in Clacton?”

Fred Thomas, the Labour MP for Plymouth Moor View, described Brexit as “an almost unmitigated disaster” in his contribution. 

But he added: “The Labour party manifesto said that we will not go back into the EU, the customs union or the single market. That is the manifesto that I and all of us on this side of the chamber stood on.”

Independent MP Rosie Duffield, whose speech Thomas had risen to intervene on, responded: “There are plenty of things that the Labour government seem to be pushing through that were not in the manifesto. 

“The people now in charge were campaigning, with those of us who were here then, against Brexit several years ago, and I would like them to stick to that.”

Tim Roca, the Labour MP for Macclesfield, stated that he still “wholeheartedly” believes Britain should rejoin the EU. 

He continued: “That is our future, and debates like this are part of that process. People need be under no illusion that this issue is going away; as the petitioners and those supporting them prove, this debate is ongoing in the country. 

“There is also strong support, as the polling evidence shows, that the public believe that we made a mistake.”

Roca was one of a number of MPs who called on the government to negotiate a youth mobility scheme with European Union.

Citing areas for the government to focus on in its “reset” of UK-EU relations, the Labour MP said: “Let us look at the youth mobility scheme, let us join the pan-Euro-Mediterranean convention and ease barriers to trade, and let us lay the groundwork for a proper debate on where the future of this country should be.”

Tom Hayes, the Labour MP for Bournemouth East agreed, adding: “Does [he] agree that alongside a youth mobility scheme we should consider getting rid of some of that Brexit red tape so that we can strengthen that sector, and bring younger people… to Britain so that they can enjoy all of what our great country has?”

Later in the debate, Labour MP Phil Brickell insisted that a youth mobility scheme does not impinge on the government’s “red lines”. 

He said: “Youth mobility does not provide a pathway to citizenship, it is not freedom of movement and it does not provide for financial dependency on the state.”

Responding on this specific point in her contribution, the minister, Oppong-Asare, said: “We do not have plans for a youth mobility agreement. We will of course listen to sensible proposals, but we have been clear that there will be no return to freedom of movement, the customs union or the single market.”

Caroline Voaden, the Liberal Democrat MP for South Devon, said the government must take “concrete steps” towards rejoining the EU.

She commented: “I do not agree that we should not revisit our intentions, given the clear evidence that we now have of the disaster that Brexit has been…

“Sadly, it is probably too early to campaign to rejoin the EU right now—it is not even an option on the table—but we must take concrete steps towards it, rather than just repeating meaningless warm words, and start rebuilding the shattered relationship.”

Liberal Democrat Cabinet Office spokesperson Sarah Olney said: “The Liberal Democrats are proud to be the country’s most pro-European party, and we have been vocal in our support for the government’s warm words on a reset and a rebuilding of our relationship with Europe after the disaster of the botched Brexit deal under the last Conservative government. 

“We are, however, concerned that those warm words are not leading to action.”

Josh Self is Editor of Politics.co.uk, follow him on Bluesky here.

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At a summit hosted by the London mayor and attended by the EU’s Heads of Mission in the UK, Khan will tell delegates that Britain’s withdrawal from the trading bloc “continues to have a negative impact”.

Khan, who campaigned prominently to remain in the EU during the 2016 referendum, will promise to make the case for “being bold” in efforts to seek closer alignment.

Prime minister Keir Starmer has made resetting relations with the EU a priority for his government, but has repeatedly ruled out returning to the single market, customs union or freedom of movement.

In a major speech earlier this month, Nick Thomas-Symonds, the minister for the constitution and European Union, called for an end to “ideologically driven division” between the EU and the UK and for a new “ruthless pragmatism”.

Speaking in Brussels at the UK-EU forum’s annual conference, Thomas-Symonds said: “It is through a new partnership between the UK and the EU that we will deliver for the people of the United Kingdom and for people across the continent.

“The future of the EU and the UK lies beyond the status quo, reaching forward to deliver benefits for all our people to share.”

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However, ministers have so far resisted proposals from Brussels for a new scheme allowing under-30s from the bloc to live, work and study in the UK and vice versa. 

Khan is now set to repeat his call for a youth mobility scheme. “As mayor, I’m strongly in favour of a new youth mobility scheme”, he is expected to say on Tuesday.

“This would help to aid economic growth across Europe, but also give young Londoners and EU citizens important life experiences — like the opportunity to work abroad and learn more about our respective languages and cultures.

“As part of this, I’m keen for us to look at how we can make it easier for school children from the EU to visit the UK and learn more about our shared ties and history.”

The London mayor will also insist European allies must come together to tackle a series of “shared challenges” including “the rise of an intolerant and anti-democratic populism” and “tariffs posing a real threat to international affairs.”

Khan will say: “I’m a proud European and of the view that Brexit was a mistake that continues to have a negative impact — not just on my city and country, but on the European community as a whole.”

“I remain passionate about growing and improving our relationship across every area possible, and I believe this is essential if we’re to effectively tackle a host of shared challenges — relating to trade, our economies, security, the environment and the rise of an intolerant and anti-democratic populism.”

He is expected to add: “Indeed, at a moment when we see trade wars and tariffs posing a real threat to international affairs, I’m convinced that we should be looking at what more we can do to strengthen our relationship as a counterweight to these trends.”

Josh Self is Editor of Politics.co.uk, follow him on Bluesky here.

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Lib Dem MP urges government to back EU youth mobility scheme as part of Brexit reset

The post Sadiq Khan: ‘Brexit was a mistake’ appeared first on Politics.co.uk.

Nick Thomas-Symonds, a longtime close ally of the prime minister who resides in the Cabinet Office, revealed that the government’s negotiating position will be moulded by the interlinked imperatives of “prosperity, safety and security”. Thomas-Symonds referred to these as the government’s “pillars” — the prospect of strengthening which has impelled Britain back to the Brussels negotiating table.

The speech came after European Union officials confirmed last night that they will journey to Britain on 19 May to further flesh out the future details of the UK-EU relationship in a special summit.

Thomas-Symonds, who is expected to act as the government’s lead negotiator, vowed to approach talks with goodwill and in the spirit of mutual benefit. Speaking in Brussels, he declared that “The time for ideologically driven division is over, time for ruthless pragmatism is now.”

Keir Starmer, who pledged in his first speech as prime minister to govern “unburdened by doctrine”, wants to break the doom loop of culture war pronouncements that characterised his predecessors’ approach to UK-EU negotiations. The upcoming talks, ministers argue, will reflect the strict seriousness Labour has restored to the heart of British governance and politics.

Not everyone has received the memo.

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Questioned on the government’s Brexit “reset” this morning, Nigel Farage argued that the enthusiasm with which Starmer has approached negotiations shows he is a “rejoiner at heart”. The Reform UK leader insisted that the meetings held between UK and EU government officials this week, ahead of the May summit, are “completely unnecessary” and “alarming.”

Speaking to Radio 4’s Today programme, Farage said: “That was an act of humiliation. It was completely unnecessary, but Starmer went along with it.”

But when challenged on the current status of the UK-EU relationship, as set out in the Brexit deal negotiated by ex-prime minister Boris Johnson, Farage admitted it needed “improving”.

“Well, I think the deal that was negotiated by the Johnson government wasn’t a very good one. We can improve on that”, he asserted. But Farage refused to describe in detail how a Reform government would approach negotiations.

The faster Reform rises in the polls, the more scrutiny will be applied to Farage’s lack of policy detail. YouGov, in a poll released yesterday evening, now places Reform ahead of both the Labour and Conservative parties on 25 per cent — one and four points in front respectively.

That said, an arguably more significant poll at this stage in the electoral cycle was released by Ipsos this morning on what voters perceive to be the UK’s diplomatic priorities. The survey indicates that nearly half (47 per cent) of Britons view Europe, as a trading and diplomatic partner, as most important compared to the US (21 per cent) or the Commonwealth (15 per cent).

It comes after a YouGov poll, published to coincide with the fifth anniversary of Brexit last week, recorded that just 30 per cent of Britons now say it was right for the UK to vote to leave the EU in 2016. More than six in 10 Britons (62 per cent), according to YouGov’s findings, say that Brexit has so far been more of a failure — against just 11 per cent who feel that it has been more of a success.

Reform and Farage, such findings suggest, are simply on the wrong side of public opinion when it comes to Brexit.

The Conservative Party’s recent rhetoric fares little better. Marking its fifth anniversary, shadow foreign secretary Priti Patel said Britain had “reaped the benefits” of Brexit and — like Farage — warned voters of the government’s alleged attempts to “drag us back into the EU’s grasp”.

“This Labour government, driven by socialist ideology and blind to the will of the people, is determined to dismantle Brexit and drag us back into the EU’s grasp”, Patel said.

She added: “The Conservatives will not stand by and allow this betrayal to happen—we will fight them every step of the way.”

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The Conservatives, Patel’s remarks imply, want to refight the Brexit war — despite the fact that doing so will highlight the party’s own failures from 2016-2020 and beyond. Indeed, Kemi Badenoch has already publicly admitted to these “mistakes”, scorning past Conservative governments for announcing “that we would leave the European Union before we had a plan for growth” in a major speech last month.

But not only this: Patel’s comments suggest Badenoch plans to engage in this war using the exact same rhetoric and attacks that characterised the Conservative Party’s approach throughout the 2016-2020 period. The shadow foreign secretary, one of the best-known and least popular politicians in the country (having served as home secretary from 2019-2022), stands ready at the vanguard.

In recent days, Badenoch herself has set the government “five Brexit tests” (which worked so well for Jeremy Corbyn as opposition chief). She wants “no backsliding on free movement”, no new money to be “paid to the EU”, as well as “no reduction in our fishing rights”, no rule-taking and no “compromise on the primary of NATO”.

This strategy invites the question, posed repeatedly in this newsletter, that Badenoch has shown little sign of confronting: how are the Conservatives supposed to signal that they have changed, while addressing old issues using the same stale and overly performative rhetoric? In other words, the louder Conservatives shriek about “Brexit betrayal”, the clearer the signal the party is not on the path of redemption.

Badenoch, despite her insistences to the contrary, has yet to demonstrate genuine intellectual leadership by saying something, well, new. She continues to rely on the political instincts that got the Conservatives into this mess. And by so relentlessly ploughing old, barren political ground, the Conservative leader appears devoid of ideas.

Brexit, in the end, will enliven Reform-Conservative competition — as old scores are settled between Farage and his Tory foes. Keir Starmer will hope that their feverish battles, and resultantly escalating criticism of him, strike a favourable contrast with his avowedly “pragmatic” Brexit reset strategy.

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‘I hope Keir Starmer will express the UK’s total solidarity in his meeting with the Danish prime minister today. The UK has a proud history of standing with our allies when their sovereignty is threatened, and we must do the same with Denmark now.’

—  Liberal Democrat leader Ed Davey urges Keir Starmer to express “total solidarity” with Denmark when he has dinner with the Danish PM, Mette Frederiksen, tonight.

Now try this…

‘Ex-Tory MP joins Ukraine military to support war effort’
Via BBC News.

‘Is Labour still a party of the working class?’
The NS’ Ben Walker asks. (Paywall)

‘What can the Conservative Party do that Reform UK can’t? Our survival depends on finding an answer’
Peter Franklin writes for ConHome.

On this day in 2022:

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The post Keir Starmer’s ‘Brexit reset’ comes with traps for Badenoch and Farage appeared first on Politics.co.uk.

Nick Thomas-Symonds, the minister responsible for leading Keir Starmer’s “Brexit reset”, insisted that the UK wants “closer working with our allies in the EU”.

Speaking in Brussels at the UK-EU forum’s annual conference, he said the British government sees “real opportunities to improve the status quo” in the reset happening this year, with the UK and the EU set to revise how their post-Brexit trade deal operates.

He said: “This British government was elected on a mandate to strengthen national security by reconnecting with our allies, to increase people’s safety through strong borders, and to increase prosperity through growth.

“Our European friends are a part of every single one of those priorities, and I believe it’s these priorities that form the three pillars of a reset in our relationship.”

The EU relations minister added: “The time for ideologically driven division is over, time for ruthless pragmatism is now”.

“It is through a new partnership between the UK and the EU that we will deliver for the people of the United Kingdom and for people across the continent.

“The future of the EU and the UK lies beyond the status quo, reaching forward to deliver benefits for all our people to share.

“So let us rise to our shared challenges and grasp this opportunity because together we will create a stronger UK and we will create a stronger Europe.”

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Belief that Britain was right to leave the EU falls to new low of 30%, poll finds

Thomas-Symonds also remarked that improving the UK-EU trade deal could kickstart ailing economies across the continent.

He said: “A study published last year showed that between 2021 and 2023 the goods EU businesses export to the UK were down by 32 per cent, whilst UK goods exports to the EU were down by 27 per cent.

“That is not good for British or European businesses, especially at a time when our economies need a kickstart.

“Reducing trade barriers is of mutual benefit to the UK and the EU.”

Josh Self is Editor of Politics.co.uk, follow him on Bluesky here.

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Speaking on Monday, Keir Starmer reiterated that the UK rejoining the EU is “not going to happen” but that a “better, closer relationship” on trade and security could be achieved as he arrived for dinner with leaders in Brussels.

Farage, the leader of Reform UK, said the meeting was “completely unnecessary” and that moves to deepen industrial collaboration were “alarming”.

Speaking to Radio 4’s Today programme, he said: “That was an act of humiliation. It was completely unnecessary, but Starmer went along with it.

“I think the most alarming thing that came out of last night was the agreement to deepen industrial collaboration. Does that mean we’re joining part of an EU industrial policy? Does it mean, in terms of defence, we’re joining their procurement programmes?

“There are still a lot of unanswered questions, but I didn’t like the language at all, and the very fact that he was there discussing such things shows you that our prime minister is a rejoiner at heart.”

Farage nonetheless insisted that the UK’s existing trade deal with the EU, negotiated under Boris Johnson as prime minister, “was not a very good one”.

“We can improve on that”, the arch-Brexiteer told BBC Radio 4’s Today programme.

Asked what concessions he would offer the EU in exchange for a more favourable relationship, Farage said: “We can improve the deal by saying to them, ‘look, we can make this easier for both of us, we can go back through’, we are up for a renegotiation anyway.

“My fear is we tie ourselves to EU law, we start to accept single market regulations and the many implications from this government, that is what they intend to do.”

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Nigel Farage is vulnerable

The comments came after Reform UK topped a YouGov voting intention poll for the first time.

The poll showed that if a general election were held tomorrow 25 per cent of British voters would choose Reform, 24 per cent would pick Labour, and 21 per cent would vote for the Conservatives.

The survey of 2,465 people over February 2 to 3 gave Reform its joint-highest score to date, up from 23 per cent in its previous poll on 26-27 of January.

Reform’s narrow lead over Labour in the poll – which surveyed 2,465 people over 2 February to 3 February – is within the margin of error, YouGov said.

Asked whether he trusted the judgement of Elon Musk after the tech billionaire said he was not fit to lead Reform, Farage said: “Elon is Elon, he says a lot of things.

“He wanted me to go along a line I didn’t want to go down. I don’t get bullied by anybody. I stand up for the principles that I believe in. Since then we have had very cordial relations.”

He told BBC Radio 4’s Today programme: “Elon Musk has an awful lot of opinions, some of which I agree with and some of which I don’t.”

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The Conservative Party is looking to use the anniversary to warn voters of the government’s attempts to “dismantle” Brexit and “drag us back into the EU’s grasp”.

“This Labour government, driven by socialist ideology and blind to the will of the people, is determined to dismantle Brexit and drag us back into the EU’s grasp”, Patel said. 

In January 2020, Britain officially left the EU after voting to leave four years prior via referendum. 52 per cent of voters backed the UK’s exit from the EU in 2016, with 48 per cent siding with “Remain”. 

A YouGov published earlier this week recorded that just 30 per cent of Britons now say it was right for the UK to vote to leave the EU. 

More than six in 10 Britons (62 per cent) say that Brexit has so far been more of a failure — against just 11 per cent who feel that it has been more of a success. A more noncommittal 20 per cent of Britons consider it to be neither a success nor failure, YouGov found. 

The polling also revealed that as many as one in six “Leave” voters (18 per cent) say that it was wrong for Britain to choose to leave the EU. 66 per cent still say Britain made the right decision. 

By contrast, 88 per cent of “Remainers” think a vote for Brexit was wrong, with just 7 per cent saying it was the right choice.

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In a recent speech, Conservative leader Kemi Badenoch appeared to acknowledge her party had made mistakes following the 2016 referendum. “We announced that we would leave the European Union before we had a plan for growth outside the EU”, Badenoch said. 

The Conservatives are now looking to celebrate Britain’s departure from the bloc and the manner in which they — led by Boris Johnson — delivered “on the clear democratic will of the country.”

A Tory press release marking Brexit’s fifth anniversary cites the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership (CPTPP), one of 73 trade deals signed since 2020, as an instance of success.

The release also celebrates the UK “ending the supremacy of EU law” and the “reform or revocation of almost 2500 pieces of arbitrary or burdensome EU law.”

The notice adds: “Outside the EU, and free of their regulations, we have been able to deliver more competitive tax policies, such as cutting VAT on certain products, reduce and simplify tariffs, and make the City more competitive with the Edinburgh Reforms.

“The UK was also able to take control of its waters and protect our fisherman as an independent coastal state.”

The Conservative Party is also seeking to “sound the alarm” over what it sees as Labour’s plans to “unpick Brexit”.

Commenting on the fifth anniversary of the UK leaving the EU, Priti Patel said: “Five years ago today, the Conservatives honoured the democratic will of the British people and Got Brexit Done.

“Since then, our country has reaped the benefits—securing new trade deals with dynamic, fast-growing markets across the world and reclaiming sovereignty from Brussels. This has allowed us to reform or revoke 2,500 EU laws, ensuring Britain’s future is shaped by our own parliament.

“But this Labour government, driven by socialist ideology and blind to the will of the people, is determined to dismantle Brexit and drag us back into the EU’s grasp. The Conservatives will not stand by and allow this betrayal to happen—we will fight them every step of the way.”

Nigel Farage, the leader of Reform UK, is set to mark the anniversary at an event in Kemi Badenoch’s constituency of North West Essex.

Josh Self is Editor of Politics.co.uk, follow him on Bluesky here.

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Marking five years since Britain left the European Union, Davey also accused the prime minister of “living in a parallel universe” if he thinks that the UK economy will grow “without boosting trade with our nearest neighbours.”

The Liberal Democrat leader said: “A new UK-EU customs union deal will unlock growth, demonstrate British leadership and give us the best possible hand to play against President Trump.”

In January 2020, Britain officially left the EU after voting to leave four years prior via referendum. 52 per cent of voters backed the UK’s exit from the EU in 2016, with 48 per cent siding with “Remain”. 

A YouGov published earlier this week recorded that just 30 per cent of Britons now say it was right for the UK to vote to leave the EU. 

More than six in 10 Britons (62 per cent) say that Brexit has so far been more of a failure — against just 11 per cent who feel that it has been more of a success. A more noncommittal 20 per cent of Britons consider it to be neither a success nor failure, YouGov found. 

The polling also revealed that as many as one in six “Leave” voters (18 per cent) say that it was wrong for Britain to choose to leave the EU. 66 per cent still say Britain made the right decision. 

By contrast, 88 per cent of “Remainers” think a vote for Brexit was wrong, with just 7 per cent saying it was the right choice.

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In a recent speech, Conservative leader Kemi Badenoch appeared to acknowledge her party had made mistakes following the 2016 referendum. “We announced that we would leave the European Union before we had a plan for growth outside the EU”, Badenoch said. 

The Lib Dem leader used his own New Year’s address, delivered on 16 January, to call on the government to negotiate a customs union arrangement with the EU. 

Davey argued such a deal would allow the UK to handle “president Trump from a position of strength, not weakness.”

He said: “Forming a customs union with the EU is not only the single biggest thing we can do to turbocharge our economy in the medium and long term. But an agreement to work towards one would unlock big economic benefits for the UK now and start tearing down those damaging Conservative trade barriers this year. 

“It would be a win-win for our country, and I still can’t understand why the government continues to rule it out.”

At prime minister’s questions on Wednesday, Davey reiterated his call for the prime minister to go further in his pursuit of a UK-EU relationship “reset”. 

Davey said: “The chancellor has now admitted that we need to go further and faster in the pursuit of economic growth, and we agree, but the prime minister knows that we believe that means setting aside his objections to a UK-EU customs union so that our country can go further and faster in rebuilding our trading relationships with our European neighbours.”

Keir Starmer replied: “[He] knows that in relation to the reset with the EU, which we are determined to achieve, we have clear red lines when it comes to the single market and the customs union. 

“He knows where we stand on that.”

Commenting on the fifth anniversary of the UK leaving the EU, Davey said: “The UK needs to lead in Europe and the world. It’s clear we cannot rely on Donald Trump – a man who has threatened to invade a NATO ally — to secure our continent. Strengthening ties of diplomacy and security with the EU is urgent.

“We must repair the trading relationship with our neighbours that was so badly ruined under the Conservatives. Their deal has been an utter disaster for our country – for farmers, fishers and small businesses — caught up in red tape.

“So far the Labour government has failed to show the urgency and ambition needed to fix our relationship with Europe. Ministers must be in a parallel universe if they think we can grow the economy without boosting trade with our nearest neighbours.

“A new UK-EU customs union deal will unlock growth, demonstrate British leadership and give us the best possible hand to play against President Trump.”

Josh Self is Editor of Politics.co.uk, follow him on Bluesky here.

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The chancellor spoke unapologetically and, yes, optimistically about Britain’s growth prospects. “Everything I see as I travel around the country gives me more belief in Britain, and more optimism about our future”, Reeves said. “Because we as a country have huge potential.”

She vowed to unlock that potential with a no-holds-barred, unbridled say yesattitude to infrastructure projects. The refusal to sign off long-term initiatives had sustained and deepened Britain’s economic stupor; “We will introduce a new approach”, Reeves added, “changing the default answer to yes.”

The chancellor promised to be bold, to cut through political controversy and to govern against the grain of Whitehall’s naysaying nature. These are the extreme lengths Labour will go to, the argument ran, to better Britain.

The speech followed the prime minister’s revelation of a new “growth test” for his government on Tuesday. Speaking to business chiefs in the City of London, Keir Starmer explained his new policy rationale: “Should we do X? If it’s good for growth, good for wealth creation, the answer is ‘yes’, if it’s not then the answer is ‘no’.”

But critics note an exception that disproves the rule: Brexit.

In her speech on Wednesday, Reeves referred to the government’s EU-UK relationship “reset” and vowed to be “pragmatic” about the challenges inherited from the last government’s Brexit deal. “Pragmatism”, of course, was not the speech’s prevailing theme. Is this government comprised of GDP zealots, or not?

In a sit-down with Bloomberg on the Davos fringe last week, Reeves and business secretary Jonathan Reynolds explained the reasoning that governs Labour’s Brexit “reset”. It was put to the ministers that the most effective thing they could do to increase GDP growth “is to do a fresh deal with Europe — something like a customs union.”

The chancellor did not reject her questioner’s premise, but stressed her abiding pragmatism. “[The business secretary] and I both voted to remain in the European Union, but we’re outside the European Union”, she said. “We’ve got to move on.”

The government has decided “not to refight” the Brexit argument, Reynolds added. Reeves agreed: “We do want a reset of our relations. [But] we don’t want the antagonism and the battles that the previous government seemed to quite relish.”

There you have it: the government’s decision not to start a “battle” over Brexit is informed by a political calculation — not an economic one. The subtext of Reeves’ recent remarks, delivered in Davos last week and Oxford yesterday, is that Labour fears the backlash to any major renegotiation from already-antagonistic, pro-Brexit forces.

The risk is that the government’s economic strategy ends up looking incoherent. Ministers insist they are pulling every lever, pressing every button and flicking every switch on the Whitehall dashboard to unlock growth — except they aren’t.

And pressure is building. Liberal Democrat leader Ed Davey delivered a speech earlier this month calling on the government to negotiate a new customs union with the EU to “turbocharge our economy in the medium and long term.”

He continued to prosecute this case at PMQs yesterday. The relevant question is worth quoting in full:

“The chancellor has now admitted that we need to go further and faster in the pursuit of economic growth, and we agree, but the prime minister knows that we believe that means setting aside his objections to a UK-EU customs union so that our country can go further and faster in rebuilding our trading relationships with our European neighbours, especially with the threat to world trade posed by Trump’s tariffs and trade wars.

“If the prime minister will not change his mind today on a customs union, will he confirm to the House that when he goes to Brussels on Monday he will open negotiations for the UK to join the pan-Euro-Mediterranean convention so that we can start removing the growth-damaging trade barriers set up by the Conservatives?”

“Our No. 1 mission is growth”, Starmer replied. “[He] knows that in relation to the reset with the EU, which we are determined to achieve, we have clear red lines when it comes to the single market and the customs union. He knows where we stand on that.”

It turns out Labour does value something more than economic growth: its “red lines”. More specifically, it rates the political-electoral cost caused by renouncing its Brexit red lines as greater than the political-electoral gain secured by the growth a significantly closer relationship with the EU would inspire. Reneging on our Brexit promises would have dire implications for public trust, Labour would add.

But there is no disguising it: from Heathrow to Brexit, Starmer is picking which “wounds” to reopen selectively. Given Labour has gambled on growth lifting living standards, just how sustainable is the above trade-off long-term?

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Lunchtime briefing

Rachel Reeves vows ‘spades in the ground’ at Heathrow this parliament

Lunchtime soundbite

‘Some lives exude a dull grey, that the challenge is to fill the canvas, and some are so bursting in colour that the challenge is to contain them in a single portrait. No-one ever described John as dull or grey.’

—  Sir Tony Blair, the former prime minister, addresses those gathered at John Prescott’s funeral in Hull today.

Now try this…

‘Labour vs. Reform: the fight for our future’
For British democracy to triumph, the prime minister must find his voice, writes Rafael Behr for Prospect.

‘Nigel Farage’s next act: Hammer Labour on energy costs’
Reform UK has started tying green policies to grimly high energy bills — and some government MPs are getting nervous, writes Politico’s Abby Wallace.

‘Labour’s plan for ‘growth’ won’t take off, but it will leave ordinary people behind’
We used to call this ‘trickle-down economics’, and we learned a long time ago that it is a myth, writes Guardian columnist Aditya Chakrabortty.

On this day in 2024:

Harriet Harman says it’s ‘ridiculous’ the Labour Party has not elected a woman leader

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The post Rachel Reeves cannot escape Labour’s Brexit reckoning appeared first on Politics.co.uk.

Three in ten, or 30%, is the lowest proportion of the public saying that Britain was right to vote to leave since polling organisation YouGov began asking the question in the aftermath of the 2016 referendum.

It compares to 55% who say it was wrong for the country to vote for Brexit in 2016.

Britain officially left the European Union on 31 January 2020, following the 2016 referendum won by “Leave” on a margin of 52% to 48%.

Five years on, new YouGov research has found that one in six Leave voters (18%) now say that it was wrong for Britain to choose to leave the EU.

66% still say Britain made the right decision. 

From YouGov: Belief that Britain was right to vote to leave the EU falls to a new low of 30%

— Josh Self (@josh-self.bsky.social) 2025-01-29T11:02:54.121Z

Just 7% of “Remainers” now think it was right for the UK to leave, compared to 88% who still think a vote for Brexit was wrong, according to YouGov’s polling.

Three-quarters of 18-24 year olds (75%), who were unable to vote in the 2016 referendum, say that Britain was wrong to vote to leave the EU. That is against one in ten (10%) who say the UK made the right choice.

More than six in ten Britons (62%) say that Brexit has so far been more of a failure, versus 11% who feel that it has been more of a success.

20% of Britons consider it to be neither a success nor failure.

Leave voters are more likely to consider Brexit to have gone badly than well, with 32% labelling it more of a failure so far, compared to 22% describing it as more of a success. Four in ten Leave voters (38%) see Britain’s exit from the EU to have been neither a success nor a failure.

87% of Remain voters say Brexit has been a failure, with just 3% believing Brexit to have been a success.

Josh Self is Editor of Politics.co.uk, follow him on Bluesky here.

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